Dr. Pamelia Riviere

Part I
It was a crisp morning on February 25, 2009, when I sprinted toward the bus stop
to catch my ride to the Popular Education for Social Change class. At that time, I
was deeply invested in my Master's program in Environmental Studies at York
University in Toronto, a vibrant hub of intellect and discussion. Our classroom was
unique; we embraced a democratic approach, with students gathered around a
circular table, fostering an atmosphere of collaboration and shared ideas. As I
slipped into the room and claimed an empty seat, I could feel the usual buzz of
anticipation.
My professor, Chris Cavanagh, was known for his captivating storytelling, and he
strolled into the classroom with his characteristic flair. However, that particular day
was laden with an unexpected weight. Upon noticing me, his expression shifted,
and he solemnly conveyed the horrific news that 57 BDR officers had been
brutally killed in Bangladesh. Given that Bangladesh was 14 hours ahead, the
tragic events were unfolding on February 26. After the investigation, it was
estimated that a total of 74 people were killed, including 57 army officers seconded
to the BDR.
I had been so engrossed in preparing for class that I had missed the grim news
flashing across screens worldwide. A wave of shock washed over me, punctuated
by disbelief. In that poignant moment, he called for a minute of silence to honor
the departed souls, and the room fell into a hushed reverence. Since that fateful
day, a gnawing pain has settled in my heart, compelling me to uncover the truth
behind the brutal killings of those courageous individuals.

Now, 17 years later, I reflect on the tragedy that still haunts the nation—an
unhealed wound. Shrouded in uncertainty, the investigation has yet to yield the
justice it desperately needs. Many Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) soldiers faced the
consequences, but their actions raised further questions. Among those arrested
were both the guilty and many innocent individuals whose lives were upended.
Meanwhile, the real perpetrators behind the orchestrated massacre remain
shrouded in mystery.

Background of Pilkhana Carnage
The BDR is a paramilitary force known as 'The Vigilant Sentinels of the National
Frontier', tasked with safeguarding the 4,427 km international border against the
movement of terrorists, armed ethnic groups, narcotics and small arms smuggling,
as well as human trafficking. It is the oldest uniformed military institution in South
Asia, established by the East India Company as the Frontier Protection Force,
which later became the Ramgarh Local Battalion (1795-1861). This battalion set
up its camp in the Pilkhana area of Dhaka, where the headquarters remain to this
day. The East Pakistan Rifles (EPR, 1947-1971) in undivided Pakistan was the last
in this series of changes, after which the force was renamed BDR in independent
Bangladesh in 1972.

The Bangladesh Rifles revolt, also referred to as the Pilkhana massacre or
the Pilkhana tragedy, was a mutiny staged on 25 and 26 February 2009
in Dhaka by a faction of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), a paramilitary force mainly
responsible for guarding the borders of Bangladesh. The rebelling BDR soldiers
took control of the BDR headquarters in Pilkhana, killing BDR director-
general Shakil Ahmed along with 56 other army officers and 17 civilians. They
also fired upon civilians, held many of their officers and their families hostage,

vandalized property, and looted valuables. By the second day, unrest had spread to
12 other towns and cities. The mutiny concluded when the mutineers surrendered
their arms and released the hostages after a series of staged discussions and
negotiations with the government.
On November 5, 2013, the Dhaka Metropolitan Sessions Court sentenced 152
people to death and 161 to life imprisonment; another 256 people received
sentences ranging from three to ten years for their involvement in the mutiny. The
court acquitted 277 individuals who had been charged. The trials have been
condemned as unfair mass trials, lacking timely access to lawyers, and "seem
designed to satisfy a desire for cruel revenge," as stated by Human Rights
Watch, Amnesty International, and the United Nations High Commission for
Human Rights.

What ignited the soldiers' fury?
Were their voices heard, their grievances acknowledged, or were they left to
languish in neglect? Was there a foreign influence at play? Who were the internal
powers that orchestrated this tragic act, using the soldiers as pawns? The mutineers
produced a 22-point demand, including the withdrawal of seconded regular army
officers from the BDR. Instead, they wanted original BDR members to be
promoted from the ranks. They demanded that their officials be selected based on
the Bangladesh Civil Service examination. While speaking to private television
networks, BDR jawans alleged that senior BDR officials were involved in a
conspiracy, accusing army officers of embezzling soldiers' wage bonuses from
the Operation Dal-Bhaat Program and from extra duties during the general
elections held on December 29, 2008. Operation Dal-Bhaat was a welfare program
run by the BDR to provide people experiencing poverty with rice and other daily
essentials. Other demands included 100% rationing, the inclusion of BDR soldiers

in peacekeeping missions, and improvements to the overall welfare of BDR
members. Key grievances included low pay, non-payment of promised daily
allowances for extra duties rendered, less annual leave compared to the army, and a
denial of lucrative UN peacekeeping services. Although a BDR platoon worked
with the Bangladesh Police on a UN mission in 2006, the army denied future BDR
collaboration with the UN, which caused resentment among BDR soldiers. Ration
entitlement was another issue that further antagonized the BDR, which received
three months of entitlement compared to twelve months for the army. What
appeared to infuriate BDR soldiers the most was army control; the entire officer
corps was deputed from the army, whereas BDR recruitment was conducted at the
non-commissioned officer level in administrative posts.

Dr. Pamelia Riviere is a freelance writer and analyst.
The story was developed from various podcasts and articles.

“Platitudeness of Evil and Reinvestigation of Pilkhana, BDR Massacre”
 

Part II
First day of the Mutiny
The mutiny erupted during the second day of the annual "BDR Week" event, which had been
inaugurated by then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. During a session at the Darbar Hall, several
soldiers publicly voiced their grievances against high-ranking army officials while the BDR
Director General, Major General Shakil Ahmed, was giving a speech. As tensions escalated,
soldiers took the Director General and other senior officials’ hostage and began to fire upon
them, while also arming themselves at the main entrance of the headquarters. In response, the
Bangladesh Army surrounded the BDR headquarters.

Tragically, Major General Shakil Ahmed was killed on the first day of the revolt, alongside
numerous senior BDR commanders, as rebels attacked the officers' residences. Additionally, the
violence resulted in the deaths of at least six civilians, including a young boy. In a bid to restore
order, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina offered a general amnesty for the rebels on February 25,
excluding those responsible for the murder of army officers and other serious crimes against the
state.

The Second Day After the Massacre
The following day, Home Minister Sahara Khatun persuaded some mutineers to surrender their
weapons by assuring them that the army would not storm the BDR headquarters.
This led to the release of hostages and the surrendering of arms, but simultaneously, revolts were
reported in at least 12 other locations across the country, including Chittagong, Feni, Rajshahi,
and Sylhet. By February 26, agitation was noted at 46 BDR outposts, with soldiers claiming
control over key establishments in Jessore, Satkhira, Dinajpur, Naogaon, and Netrokona. As the
army prepared for a final assault with tanks approaching Dhaka's streets, the situation remained

critical, with hostages held by the rebels complicating military action. Following a national
address from Prime Minister Hasina, many BDR personnel began to surrender their arms,
although a warning about potential consequences for non-compliance was issued. Ultimately,
following the PM's reassurances, the Armed Police Battalion took control of the BDR
headquarters after the mutineers surrendered their weapons.

Third Day of the Mutiny: Surrender of the Mutineers
 On February 27, approximately 200 mutineers were apprehended while attempting to flee their
headquarters at Pilkhana, disguised in civilian clothing. In response, army tanks and troops were
deployed to the BDR headquarters. Home Minister Sahara Khatun confirmed that this military
action was conducted under the guidance of the Home Ministry, emphasizing that BDR
personnel were safely relocated within the headquarters and that the army's involvement was
aimed at aiding rescue and search operations. The presence of army tanks throughout Dhaka
served as a strong deterrent, convincing the remaining mutineers to surrender. However, whether
the mutiny had been quelled at various bases outside of Dhaka remained uncertain. As searches
for missing personnel progressed inside the headquarters, 42 additional bodies were discovered,
leading to initial misassumptions that over 130 regular army officers had been killed by the
mutineers.
By the end of February 27, the official death toll had risen to 54, including the body of BDR
chief Maj. Gen. Shakil Ahmed was found alongside 41 other army officials. A mass grave
located near the BDR hospital contained a total of 42 officers buried in a seven-foot-deep hole,
with several bodies disposed of in drain tunnels. Out of the 58 bodies found, 52 were identified
as army personnel. The government declared three days of national mourning starting on
February 27 in light of the events.

On the fourth day of the mutiny, the body of the BDR chief's wife was recovered, and
additional mass graves were uncovered. Many of the bodies were in advanced states of
decomposition, complicating identification efforts. Military Intelligence reported that the
casualty count from the BDR headquarters mutiny had reached 63, with 72 army officers still
unaccounted for. Among the 63 bodies, 47 were identified. The army decided to postpone

funerals until all remains were located. A total of 31 officers who were deployed to the
paramilitary force survived the revolt.

 Abuse of Women and Children
The mutiny was marked by severe violence, with the Chief of the BDR, Deputy Chief, and all 16
Sector Commanders losing their lives. The BDR Chief's wife was among those brutally killed.
Pilkhana headquarters became a site of horrific acts, including killing, torture, and sexual abuse
directed towards women and children during the 33-hour-long mutiny. Many officers' families
faced devastating circumstances, with reports of extreme abuse from the mutineers. Accounts
surfaced of officers' wives being assaulted, with one describing how soldiers stripped her two
young sons. Other testimonies included accounts of beatings and physical assaults against both
women and children. Survivors from Pilkhana continue to seek justice for the atrocities they
endured.
 Conclusion of the Mutiny
 On March 1, 2009, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina addressed 500 army officers at Dhaka
Cantonment concerning the mutiny, accompanied by her Defense and Security adviser, Major-
General Tarique Ahmed Siddique, and Agriculture Minister Matia Chowdhury. The meeting,
which lasted two and a half hours, began with a moment of silence for the deceased, but the
atmosphere grew tense, with army officers reportedly expressing their frustrations through
disruptive behaviour. Some officers called for public executions of those responsible for the
murders. The session concluded with prayers, but not before General Moeen U Ahmed dismissed
seven officers for their disrespectful conduct towards the Prime Minister. The following day, on
March 2, 2009, state funerals for the slain officers were held at 11 a.m., marking the official
conclusion of the mutiny.

“Platitudeness of Evil and Reinvestigation of Pilkhana, BDR
Massacre”
 

PART IV
One sample evidence of numerous BDR Carnage Anecdotes
I am providing just one example among numerous accounts from interviewees, as this article has
word limitations. Several survivors of the BDR massacre have shared harrowing testimonies
about the three days of unimaginable violence. They vividly described the chaos and despair that
engulfed the event, highlighting the critical role of the ex-government's inaction and silence
during this pivotal moment. Their recollections paint a chilling picture of fear and tragedy,
underscoring the urgent need for accountability and justice in the aftermath of such atrocities.

In various interviews, Captain Shahnaj provided crucial insights regarding the BDR carnage, and
video footage aired by NTV captured the actions of the 44 Battalion during a pivotal operation.
She detailed the use of binoculars in intelligence gathering, the deployment of hundreds of
bulletproof vests to troops, and the involvement of high-ranking officials such as the Director
General of the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DG DGFI) and the Director General
of the National Security Intelligence (DG NSI).

Their intervention was pivotal in the controversial decision to release captured soldiers under the
orders of Major Ashik. The situation intensified with the sudden reassignment of 57 officers
within the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), a move that raised eyebrows among the ranks.
Additionally, Shahnaj emphasized the meticulous process of mopping up all crime scenes, an
operation that hinted at a larger cover-up. He recounted the troubling case of Kanak Sarwar, who
was forced to flee the country under mysterious circumstances, further complicating the
narrative. A particularly alarming incident mentioned involved a tank that was rendered
inoperable due to a lack of ammunition, exacerbating an already tense environment. Shahnaj

recalled a horrific event where the pregnant wife of Major General Shaker was brutally killed
with stones at the home of an army officer, an incident that shocked many within the military
community, especially since she was a guest in their home. There were also logistical challenges
noted, such as the Red Crescent’s microbus being utilized to aid the escape of foreign soldiers
and a delay involving a chartered plane that was supposed to transport them. In an attempt to
manage the chaos, Captain Fuad took proactive measures to conduct checks; however, he faced
direct orders from Imrul Kayes to refrain from any inspections.
Brigadier Hasan Nasir was in possession of the damning footage that documented the soldiers
desecrating Colonel Guljar's grave, an action that highlighted the misconduct occurring behind
the scenes. Shahnaj expressed her frustration about the lack of response from Asif Nazrul, who
had contacted him demanding a complete account of events five months ago, yet had remained
silent since then. The weight of these undisclosed truths loomed large, marking a dark chapter in
their military history.

Controversial speech of the Bangladesh Army Chief
However, yesterday, Bangladesh Army Chief General Waker-Uz-Zamon made a controversial
declaration during a commemorative event honouring the slain military officers. He emphatically
stated that the mutiny was solely the work of BDR soldiers, dismissing any suggestions of
external influence or complicity. "Full stop. There are no 'ifs' and 'buts' here," he stated with
unwavering resolve. On the harrowing dates of February 25 and 26, 2009, a staggering 57 army
officers, including the then-director general of the BDR, Major General Shakil Ahmed, were
mercilessly murdered during a violent uprising at the paramilitary force's headquarters in
Pilkhana, Dhaka. In total, 74 bodies were recovered, a grim testament to the chaos that unfolded
the night before.
The Army Chief firmly insisted that "No military soldier carried out that brutality" during those
dark days. He warned that sowing doubt could disrupt the judicial proceedings that have lingered
for years, endangering justice for those wrongfully imprisoned for nearly two decades. "Don't
destroy the judicial process. The BDR members who were punished deserve it," he asserted,
marking the occasion of the newly declared "National Martyred Army Day." The mutiny
occurred against the backdrop of a tumultuous political climate under the Awami League
government, prompting a contentious rebranding of the paramilitary force, including changes to

its uniform and regulatory laws. "The bottom line is our smart and competent military personnel
lost their lives to the gunfire of the erstwhile BDR soldiers. Some among us are attempting to
divert attention to different angles," the army chief continued, cautioning against undermining
the truth.
Yet his statements only intensified the debate surrounding the investigation. Amidst this turmoil,
the wife of Major Tanvir, an officer who perished in the insurrection, captured attention with her
starkly different account. She claimed that her husband communicated to her over the phone that
they were under attack from outsiders—individuals who spoke in a language that sounded
unfamiliar, possibly Hindi. The narrative continues to unfold, offering a tapestry threaded with
grief, confusion, and unresolved questions, as the nation grapples with the legacy of that day and
the quest for truth that remains ever evasive.

This situation would likely not have arisen if the former Prime Minister had not engaged in
collaboration with groups such as Jamat and Hefazot. The influence of a foreign country has led
to significant unrest within Bangladesh, contributing to the formation of entities like Santibahini
and the JMB (Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh) and culminating in the tragic mass killings
during the BDR (Border Guard Bangladesh) mutiny. In recent times, the public has become more
aware of these issues and the implications they carry.
It is important to note that she endorsed these extremist political groups directly and indirectly.
However, policies such as granting equivalence to Qoumi education—an unregulated form of
education—have resulted in a more uninformed populace. Bangladesh's overall educational
framework is critically flawed, suffering from systemic issues that continue to undermine the
country's development.
The current interim government appears overwhelmed by this immense challenge, struggling to
restore order and accountability across various sectors. Corruption has seeped deeply into every
institution, including the military, the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), the
National Security Intelligence (NSI), law enforcement agencies, public administration, and even
the banking sector.
It seems that external forces manipulated the former Prime Minister, and she, along with
members of her inner circle—her sister included—has been implicated in widespread corruption.

This unfortunate situation reflects a broader narrative of mismanagement and betrayal, leaving
the nation grappling with the consequences of these actions.

“Platitudeness of Evil and Reinvestigation of Pilkhana, BDR Massacre”

PART III

The disputed role of Ex-PM Sheikh Hasina and a few army officers was questionable.
The events surrounding the mutiny at the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) headquarters in Pilkhana,
which took place over 33 hours beginning on February 25, 2009, have raised questions about the
roles of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and several army officers. On the eve of the
mutiny, PM Hasina inaugurated the annual 'Bangladesh Rifles Week 2009' at Pilkhana, during
which she expressed her government's intention to eliminate corruption within the BDR and
armed forces. Despite requests from a group of BDR personnel to meet with her regarding their
grievances, BDR Director General Major General Shakil Ahmed prevented this meeting from
occurring. Following the mutiny, speculation arose that PM Hasina's cancellation of her planned
visit on February 26 was due to foreknowledge of a potential uprising; however, there is no
conclusive evidence to support this claim.

Witness accounts indicate that the mutiny commenced around 09:30 on February 25 as DG
Ahmed was addressing personnel in Darbar Hall. Although weapons are typically prohibited
during this ceremony, many soldiers managed to enter the hall armed. The situation escalated
quickly, with mutineers—primarily private and non-commissioned officers—deliberately
targeting their commanding officers. In the chaos, not all BDR soldiers participated in the
violence; some attempted to rescue officers, while others either forcibly joined the mutineers or
fled the scene.

By approximately 09:40, the situation spiralled out of control. Reports indicate that within ten
minutes of the initial gunfire, several high-ranking officers were killed, with the total number
reaching 57—52 within or near Darbar Hall and five elsewhere in Pilkhana. The crisis concluded
on the evening of February 26, when select mutineers surrendered. In response to the violence,

PM Hasina described the actions of the mutineers as a conspiracy aimed at inciting anarchy and
pushing the country toward civil war, suggesting that those responsible sought to destabilize her
government. Under pressure from opposition parties, the government formally charged over a
thousand BDR personnel with mutiny, murder, arson, and looting on March 2, 2009.

Initial arrests included six individuals, among them Deputy Assistant Director Towhidul Islam,
who was suspected to be the ringleader.
 On the same day, the government initiated 'Operation Rebel Hunt' to capture fugitive BDR
members and recover stolen arms. The government established a six-member probe committee to
investigate the motives and circumstances of the mutiny. At the same time, the army conducted
its own investigation with a twenty-member team, reflecting a lack of confidence in the
government's efforts. Tensions arose as the army criticized the government's decision to grant
amnesty to some mutineers and accused it of corruption and negligence. Limited government
resources prompted a request for assistance from the US Federal Bureau of Investigation and
British Scotland Yard.

Foreign involvement and the role of the military and civilian intelligence agencies
Concerns regarding foreign involvement and the efficacy of military and civilian intelligence
agencies were also highlighted. Reports suggested that external individuals and institutions may
have facilitated the mutiny, raising questions about the BDR rebels' access to weapons and
ammunition. Some officials pointed to Islamic groups such as Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh
(JMB) and Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B) as potential destabilizing forces.
During a press conference held shortly after the incident, Commerce Minister Faruq Khan, who
also chaired the investigation commission, suggested connections between the mutineers and
these groups. The investigation into these claims and their implications continues.

According to Wikipedia source, it was intriguing to observe that there were suspicions of foreign
involvement in the mutiny, particularly regarding the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the
government of Pakistan. This theory was mainly advanced by certain sections of the Indian
media, including the New Delhi-based news agency CNN-IBN and the Kolkata-based daily
Ananda Bazar Patrika. Considering the possibility that external entities, especially the ISI,

orchestrated the mutiny presents many arguments against it. If the mutiny was aimed at Prime
Minister Hasina, then it seems odd that it didn't occur a few hours earlier during her scheduled
visit to Pilkhana for the BDR parade. The obvious question to consider is why the ISI would
attempt to undermine the government of Bangladesh. According to claims from India, the ISI
took advantage of BDR grievances and amplified the conspiracy due to concerns that many of its
crucial assets in Bangladesh might be jeopardized if prosecuted for war crimes that occurred in
1971.

Bina D Costa raised a concern that military and civilian intelligence agencies such as the
Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), Military Intelligence (MI), and the National
Security Intelligence (NSI) must be reviewed for their failure to predict this crisis. Is there any
evidence that at least some of the agencies' factions were involved in the mutiny? If there is,
Bangladesh has to restructure these intelligence bodies.
On the contrary, people suspect India's involvement.
In recent discussions surrounding Bangladesh's historical BDR mutiny, there are growing
suspicions regarding possible foreign involvement, mainly from India. This comes in the wake of
a significant criminal trial that culminated after nearly 26 months, concluding on November 5,
2013. The verdict addressed the prosecution of 846 individuals tied to the tragic events that
resulted in the deaths of 74 people. Among those convicted, 151 former BDR soldiers, including
12 absconders, and one civilian, Zakir Hossain, received the death penalty—an unprecedented
action in South Asia's recent judicial history. The trial involved a total of 808 accused, and the
High Court's observations noted a potential conspiracy involving internal and external elements
to destabilize Sheikh Hasina's government, which assumed power in 2008. Human rights
organizations have expressed serious concerns regarding allegations of custodial deaths related to
the case. Many of these deaths—attributed to causes such as 'heart attack' or 'suicide'—remain
unexplained and inconsistent with the physical evidence observed on the deceased individuals.

Claims have surfaced suggesting that detainees may have faced severe torture during
interrogations, potentially involving personnel from the army, Rapid Action Battalion, and other
government agencies. The use of torture by security forces in Bangladesh has been documented
in reports, including Human Rights Watch's analysis titled "Crossfire."

In January 2020, the High Court released a 29,059-page verdict, confirming the death penalty for
139 individuals while upholding life sentences for 185 others implicated in the killings. The
verdict, however, left much to speculation due to the lack of reliable information and limited
identification of causative factors. The credibility of the army and government-led inquiry
reports remains uncertain, as no findings have been publicly disclosed, emphasizing the need for
a thorough public investigation to uncover the true motives and masterminds behind the violent
events.
Following the recent political changes in Bangladesh, discussions at a forum titled "Pilkhana
Carnage: Hasina and India's Conspiracy," held on September 1, 2024, accused former Prime
Minister Sheikh Hasina and the Indian government of complicity in the BDR mutiny. Public
demand has surged for a new investigation into the incident and restoration of the original name
of the force, the BDR. However, on December 15, 2024, the Ministry of Home Affairs
announced it would not form a re-investigation commission, prompting public outrage and calls
for accountability from various quarters, including former military personnel and student
activists.
 In response to public pressure, a 7-member commission was established on December 23 to re-
investigate the case. Furthermore, at a memorial event commemorating the victims, prominent
military leaders reaffirmed their commitment to identifying both direct and indirect perpetrators
of the massacre. At the same time, families of the martyrs urged for justice and recognition of
their sacrifices. The event, attended by high-ranking military officials, included tributes and
tributes to the martyrs laid at the Banani Military Graveyard, symbolizing the ongoing demand
for justice and accountability in one of Bangladesh's most tragic chapters in its recent history.
In 2009, Dr. Bina d'Costa highlighted the significant influence of security anxieties on the
Bangladeshi government, which resulted in stringent control over the flow of information from
Bangladesh to the international community.

In the wake of a controversial mutiny involving the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), revelations of
discussions between high-ranking military officers and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina surfaced
on YouTube. This prompted the government to ban YouTube, along with five additional blogs
reporting on the mutiny and related debates. Consequently, a considerable amount of critical

information became inaccessible to the public. Despite this information blackout, hundreds of
podcasters took it upon themselves to shed light on the situation by interviewing BDR personnel
who were present during the uprising, as well as military officials who faced dismissal and
harassment at the hands of the government and intelligence agencies in the aftermath. These
interviews have begun to uncover the truths of that tumultuous period. Meanwhile, families of
the victims and concerned citizens across Bangladesh continue to await the results of the
investigations into the mutiny, hoping for accountability and closure on the events that
transpired.

Dr. Pamelia Riviere is a freelance writer and analyst.
The story was developed from various podcasts and articles.