Bangladeshi Women are Facing Challenges from
Radical Religious Political Parties

Dr. Pamelia Riviere

Thousands of supporters from Islamist Hefazat-e-Islam gathered in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on
Saturday, May 3 rd , 2025, to protest proposed legal measures to ensure equal rights for women,
particularly regarding property ownership. Hefazat-e-Islam leaders expressed concerns that these
legal changes conflict with Sharia law.
The protest drew more than 20,000 participants, many of whom held banners with messages such
as, “Reject Western laws for our women, rise Bangladesh.” The group warned of potential rallies
nationwide on May 23 if the government did not address their demands.

What is the current situation regarding women’s rights and other gender rights in
Bangladesh?
The situation raises important questions regarding the sources of funding for these Islamist
groups and their underlying agendas, prompting the interim government to consider these
influences carefully.
Bangladeshi women have fought to establish their rights within their families, society, and the
state. In practice, they continue to face discrimination, exclusion, and injustice in society and the
law's implementation, while having minimal influence in decision-making processes.
Bangladesh has several special laws that specifically prohibit various forms of violence against
women, including the Penal Code, 1860; the Anti-Dowry Prohibition Act (1980); the Cruelty to
Women Ordinance (1983); the Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act (1993); and the Prevention of
Repression Against Women.
(1) The State shall not discriminate against any citizen solely based on religion, race, caste, sex,
or place of birth.
(2) Women shall have equal rights to men in all state and public life areas.
Gender refers to the socially constructed characteristics of women, men, girls, and boys. This
encompasses the norms, behaviors, and roles associated with being a woman, man, girl, or boy,
as well as the relationships among them.

According to the UN Gender Inequality Index (GII), Bangladesh ranks 131 out of 162 countries,
highlighting inequality in reproductive health, empowerment, and the labour market.
Furthermore, the majority of women (91.8 percent) are employed in the informal sector, resulting
in economic insecurity and exploitation.

In 2014, hijras gained official third-gender recognition, codified by the Cabinet of Bangladesh.
Voter lists now provide a third-gender option, and hijra candidates are running for government
positions. Hijras are often viewed as representing a non-binary gender identity. In South Asia,
hijras are acknowledged as a third gender, neither male nor female, which is recognized as a non-
binary identity in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal. 
While some hijras may also identify as transgender, their core identity is that of a distinct gender,
existing outside the traditional binary. However, homosexuality is widely disapproved of in
Bangladesh, and there are no legal protections against discrimination.

Patriarchal norms still dictate that men are the primary decision-makers and breadwinners,
while relegating women to subordinate roles. Child marriage continues to limit girls' access to
education and economic opportunities, reinforcing traditional gender roles.
In Bangladesh, family laws are influenced by religious beliefs. Women's progress is limited due
to a lack of land ownership. Although Article 28(2) of the Constitution guarantees equal rights
for men and women, constraints on women's ability to own land still exist.
Reviewing the past decades of violence against women, science bloggers and members of the
homosexual community indicate that a large portion of the population comprises religious
hardliners who deny women's rights, gender rights, and scientific literacy. Furthermore, the
government has not acted to protect its citizens by enacting the above gender-sensitive laws.

Hefajat-e-Islam supporters burned an effigy of a Bengali woman wearing a sari.
Currently, conservative groups like Hefazat deny women's rights and burn a woman's effigy.
They do not want to see women educated and working outside.
Burning an effigy of a Bangladeshi woman in a sari underscores the profound insensitivity
towards women, Bengali culture, and the violence they endure in Bangladesh.

Hefazat-e-Islam demands that men and women not mix in public to prevent women from
working outside the home. The emergence of the radical conservative Muslim party Hefazat-e-
Islam positions itself as the standard-bearer of the religious right, alongside the hardliner Jamat-
e-Islami party.

In 2013, the same political party held a massive rally in Dhaka attended by over 100,000 people.
Hefazat issued 13 demands, which included measures to stop unfamiliar non-Islamic culture
from making inroads into Bangladesh, reinstating the line of absolute trust and faith in Almighty
Allah in the nation's largely secular constitution, and banning new statues in public places.

The hardline religious party Hefazat-e-Islam was founded in 2010. This party demands that
women avoid mixing freely in society to reduce sexual harassment and incidents such as rape.
However, this does not imply they should refrain from working or studying. They should pursue
work and education while adhering to the principles of Islam.

In 2013, Hefazat-e-Islam officials stated they would besiege Dhaka the following month if the
government did not agree to their demands. And they did just that. As a result of these demands,
textbooks have been altered; girls' pictures have been obscured with a scarf, and literature by
Hindu writers has been removed. The Awami League government attempted to appease them as
the 2014 election approached. The same pressure that the interim government fears from Hefazat
and Jamaat-e-Islami is also impacting women due to the influence of conservatives.

As the popularity of the right-wing party Hefazat-e-Islam grows, millions of female garment
workers increasingly fear for their jobs. In addition to the garment industry, women across
various sectors are anxious about the future of women's social status in Bangladesh. Secular
women in Bangladesh refuse to witness their suffering like women in Afghanistan and Iran.

The Hefazat party's unrest was ignited by the initial verdicts from the international war crimes
tribunal established by Sheikh Hasina, the former prime minister. However, this time, without
any provocation, Hefazat revealed its true intentions: women's rights are not their only agenda;

they also aim to transform Bangladesh into an Islamic country governed by Shariah Law, similar
to Afghanistan or Iran.

What are the agendas of the Women's Rights Commission?
The commission’s recent recommendations encompass a comprehensive agenda to advance
women's rights and social equity. Key among these is the urgent call for the government to
criminalize marital rape, thereby acknowledging and protecting women's autonomy and safety
within marriage.
Additionally, the commission advocates for establishing a unified family law that ensures equal
rights for all women, regardless of their religion, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status, thereby
promoting fairness and transparency in family-related legal matters.
To foster gender equality in parenting, the recommendations stress the need for equal parental
rights for women, which would empower them in decisions regarding child custody, welfare, and
upbringing. The protection of women's inheritance rights is also highlighted, aiming to dismantle
discriminatory practices that deny women their rightful share of family assets.
Furthermore, the commission emphasizes the importance of increasing women’s representation
in Parliament, advocating for measures such as quotas or incentives to ensure that women's
voices are adequately reflected in legislative processes. It also underlines the necessity of
defending the rights of sex workers, recognizing their dignity and labour rights as integral to a
just society.
To build a society free from gender-based violence, the recommendations propose
comprehensive education and awareness campaigns, alongside stringent legal measures to
combat such violence. Lastly, empowering women through access to education and skills
development is a pivotal strategy for fostering economic growth.
The commission aligned its recommendations with the country’s commitment to democracy and
secularism, two fundamental principles of the Bangladeshi Constitution.

During the rally, Hefazat-e-Islam demanded an end to all activities they deem “anti-Islamic,”
including gender equality—a position that contradicts the constitution and international human

rights law. The group has lobbied for disbanding the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission and
pledged to organize rallies nationwide on May 23 if their demands are unmet.

What women citizens could do to ensure their rights:
The Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 left up to 3 million people dead. At least 200,000
women were raped while millions fled to neighboring India. On the other hand, Jamat-e-Islami
collaborated with the then-Pakistan government. The secular men and women of Bangladesh
must not forget their sacrifices for the country's liberty, as well as the role of the radical rebel
group.
Nearly 20,000 supporters of the Islamist organization Hefazat-e-Islam gathered in the streets of
Bangladesh’s capital, Dhaka, to protest proposed government reforms aimed at promoting gender
equality and women’s rights. Hefazat-e-Islam announced plans to stage demonstrations across
the country on May 23 to highlight their various demands, including cancelling the report from
the Women's Affairs Reform Commission. Women in Bangladesh must not underestimate this
threat.

The conservative groups claimed that men and women can never be equal, opposing the reforms
recommended by Bangladesh’s Women’s Affairs Reform Commission, which Bangladesh’s
interim government recently established.
To protect women’s rights, women in Bangladesh, Canada, the United States, Australia, England,
Sweden, France, or elsewhere abroad may organize rallies to protest the burning of effigies and
advocate for women’s rights.
These gatherings should emphasize the urgent issues of gender-based violence and
discrimination. However, there is a significant concern that conservative groups might react
violently, posing serious threats to women's safety, including the risk of physical assault, rape,
and even murder during the women's rally in Bangladesh.
Should the government provide adequate security during these rallies, participants could march
safely through the streets of Dhaka.

What action must the interim government take?
The interim government must clarify its position on women’s rights in accordance with
international law. It can invite all radical groups to dialogue without fear of succumbing to
conservative factions. The government should clearly announce that the state, not the whims of
radical groups, will decide on matters concerning its citizens by international law.
Bangladesh citizens have not forgotten that Bangladesh's largest Islamist party, Jamaat-e-Islami
(JI), opposed the independence movement during the 1971 war and collaborated with the
Pakistani army to combat nationalists. The tribunal has indicted primarily senior officials from
JI. Two have been convicted this year.
Religious conservatives, many loyal to JI, took to the streets to counter the Shahbag
demonstrators, accusing their leaders of atheism and blasphemy.
These conservative groups have a history of violent behaviour and exhibit a blatant disregard for
not only the rights of women but also for individuals who identify outside traditional gender
norms, members of different religious faiths, and those who promote scientific understanding.
Given this context, many activists express feelings of despair regarding the future of women’s
rights in Bangladesh, as the prevailing political and social climate presents formidable challenges
to progress and the safety of women.

Bangladesh's government must advocate for Bangladeshi women to demonstrate their progress
and reject regressive cultural beliefs, such as the notion that a woman’s place is at home. It's time
to thwart the ambitions of those radical groups who wish to view Bangladeshi women as
Afghans and Iranians. The burning of an effigy of a Bengali woman by the conservative party
highlights the severe insensitivity and violence that women would face under such aggressive
individuals who represent these conservative parties.

In Bangladesh, defaming a religion on the internet can lead to a 10-year jail sentence. One of
Hefazat-e-Islam's principal demands is that the death penalty be imposed in such cases. These
laws indicate a lack of freedom of speech in Bangladesh. People must be tolerant and allow
freedom of speech without hesitation.

A Gentle Reminder to the Interim Government
On behalf of Bangladeshi women, this article urges the interim government Chief Advisor
Muhammad Yunus to take swift action to implement women's policy and condemn the burning
of the effigy of a Bengali woman. Education, preferred attire, and the right to work are
fundamental human rights for women in Bangladesh, and the government must be unafraid of
conservative groups. It should thoughtfully consider adopting the commission’s
recommendations to ensure the rights of Bangladeshi women.

The Bangladeshi interim government should not shirk its responsibilities. It must uphold
international human rights law to ensure gender equality and ratify its pledges to the Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

Significantly, women played vital roles throughout Bangladesh’s history, from the 1952 language
movement to the Liberation War in 1971, including the July movement in 2024. Bangladeshi
women participated in this revolution equally alongside men. The interim government must
demonstrate its commitment through its actions by ensuring the agendas of the Women's Rights
Commission.
The citizens of Bangladesh advocate for a secular, multicultural, progressive people's republic
instead of an Islamic state. In 1971, the people of Bangladesh, regardless of ethnicity and
religion, sacrificed their lives to establish a secular, democratic nation.
The Bangladeshi interim government should not shirk its responsibilities. It must uphold
international human rights law to ensure gender equality and fulfill its pledges to the Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).
The July Revolution was not a means to achieve an independent Bangladesh; instead, it was a
movement solely focused on removing the former regime. The interim government must not
overlook or misinterpret this.
It’s worth noting that the current interim government appears to lack a commitment to secularism
and seems to align itself with conservative political factions, further complicating the landscape
for women's rights advocacy.
Dr. Pamelia Riviere is a freelance writer and an analyst.